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On June 16,2013 Vietnamese police defrocked/tortured Khmer-Krom monk Ven. Ly Chanda of Prey Chop Temple in Lai Hoa, Vinh Chau, Soc Trang province. June 20,2013 Venerable Thach Thuol and Abbot Temple Lieu Ny of Ta Set temple (Soc Trang-Khleang province) defrocked and imprisoned in Prey Nokor (Saigon) city by the Viet authorities. In Phnor Dach (Cau Ngang) district, Preah Trapang/Tra Vinh) Khmer Krom prohibited from watching Cambodian TV signals.

CPJ: Vietnam Intensifies Crackdown on Journalists

By Tra Mi - VOA News Dec 18,2013

WASHINGTON — The Committee to Protect Journalists, or CPJ, says Vietnam is the fifth biggest jailer of journalists in the world, and second in the Asia-Pacific region after China.

The group Wednesday released its annual list of the world's top repressive regimes
as measured by press freedom. The CPJ report said “Vietnam was holding 18 journalists, up from 14 a year earlier, as authorities intensified a crackdown on bloggers, who represent the country’s only independent press.

Reporters Without Borders says Vietnam also has been hostile to bloggers.

Benjamin Ismail, head of the Asia Desk at Reporters Without Borders [RSF], told VOA's Vietnamese service that with Vietnam joining the U.N. Human Rights Council this year, it is appropriate to put the spotlight on Hanoi.

"We put them into the eye of the international community and we really pay close attention to their policy. And we'll be ready to denounce if there is no change at all in their repressive policy against bloggers, [or] if there is a worsening of the situation," said Ismail.

RSF ranks Vietnam as the second biggest jailer of online activists in the world after China, with 34 being held in prison.

Vietnamese blogger Hanh Nhan said many are starting to push back, however, against repressive policies.

“2013 witnessed more arrests and intensified suppression against independent bloggers compared to previous years. In return, however, there are more people overcoming their fears to speak up for rights and justice, more people expressing their viewpoints online, more civil movements, and more independent organizations established. Despite the government crackdown, these are positive, hopeful signs for a better society,” said Nhan.

Nhan expressed hope that these civil society movements would help better the situation in the years to come.

Vietnam's government has not commented on the CPJ report.

This report was produced in collaboration with the VOA Vietnamese service.
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US' Misbalanced Agenda in Vietnam

ASIA TIMES ONLINE- By Duvien Tran and Khanh Vu Duc - Dec 19,2013

US Secretary John Kerry Meets Vietcongs Leader Nguyen Tan Dung

When United States Secretary of State John Kerry attended Mass at Notre Dame Cathedral in the former Saigon, once capital of the US-backed South Vietnam, the message was clear and deliberate: Washington will continue to push for human rights reform in Vietnam, including greater allowances for freedom of religion.

Kerry's visit served as more than an advocacy campaign for civil liberty and human rights improvements by Vietnam's Communist Party-led authoritarian regime. Rather, it sought to bolster bilateral ties and reaffirm Washington's strategic commitments to Vietnam and the wider region to help counterbalance China's rising territorial assertiveness.

Kerry announced the US would provide US$18 million for five naval patrol vessels as part of America's growing maritime assistance to the country. The vessels will inevitably be deployed in the South China Sea, where Vietnam is locked in territorial disputes with China.

America's top diplomat also met with Vietnam's business community to discuss the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) free trade agreement, which if implemented will present new trade opportunities not only for the US in the Asia-Pacific but also for Vietnam exporters in lucrative US markets.

If Kerry had any concerns about his reception prior to his return to Vietnam, including to the Mekong Delta for the first time since 1969 when he was deployed there as a naval officer during the US-Vietnam War, they were eased by geopolitical events involving the US and China in the South China Sea days before his arrival.

On December 5, the USS Cowpens was tracking China's new Liaoning aircraft carrier when the Cowpens was ordered to stop by an intercepting Chinese vessel. Adamant that it was operating in international waters, the US vessel refused and was later forced to quickly change course after the Chinese ship cut in front of the Cowpens. Chinese state media later blamed the US for provoking the situation.

Regardless of which side was to blame, the incident underscored Vietnam's concern about China's increasingly assertive posturing in the South China Sea. While the US has maintained its neutrality over territorial disputes in the maritime area, Washington has irked Beijing in recent years by asserting freedom of navigation in the South China Sea is part of its "national interest".

By providing vessels for the Philippines' and Vietnam's respective Coast Guard, moves viewed as part of the US "pivot" policy to the Asia-Pacific, the US position in the disputes seems increasingly clear. The issue is drawing the US and Vietnam, once battlefield adversaries, into new strategic alignment.

While diplomatic ties have steadily improved since the two sides normalized relations, past and future efforts to expand the relationship have been and will continue to bog down in human rights concerns. Wary of American influence undermining it's authority, communist leaders continue to shrug off international criticism of its poor human rights record, often citing "cultural differences" as justification for crushing any dissent. This year, Hanoi has intensified a campaign of suppression aimed at democratic and human rights activists who speak out against the state, jailing scores on trumped up anti-state charges.

Since its entry to the World Trade Organization in 2007 and ongoing negotiations to enter the TPP, Vietnam has made almost no efforts to improve its abysmal rights record. Neither the US nor the international community can force Vietnam to move in a more democratic direction; that power lies solely with the people of Vietnam.

In Myanmar, where a transition from direct military to quasi-civilian rule has been strongly encouraged and widely lauded by the international community, change has been embraced at all levels, from the people to the leadership. Reform comes only when those who demand it move to seize it. However, where the people have spoken out, their leaders have perpetually failed to act - apart from detaining and punishing those who have spoken out for greater liberties.

The US will continually be challenged in dealing with a country that seemingly does not care about its rights-abusing image. It is one thing for Kerry to attend Mass at a Vietnamese church, symbolically demonstrating his and his country's commitment to religious freedom. It is quite another to advance human rights reform through a strategy of carrots and sticks.

So far, the US approach to Vietnam has featured more carrots than sticks. Kerry did not arrive in Vietnam empty-handed, witnessed in his offer of badly needed military assistance. While Kerry effectively engaged Vietnam's Communist Party leaders and aligned business community, less effort was given to advocating for the rights and liberties of the Vietnamese people.

Until the US predicates future engagement on improved human rights, Vietnam's leaders will see no reason to change their authoritarian ways.
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President Barack Obama's Eulogy at South Africa's former president Nelson Mandela

President Barack Obama's eulogy at South Africa's former president Nelson Mandela



Remarks by President Obama at Memorial Service for Former South African President Nelson Mandela

First National Bank Stadium
Johannesburg, South Africa

1:31 P.M. SAST

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Thank you. To Graça Machel and the Mandela family; to President Zuma and members of the government; to heads of states and government, past and present; distinguished guests -- it is a singular honor to be with you today, to celebrate a life like no other. To the people of South Africa -- (applause) -- people of every race and walk of life -- the world thanks you for sharing Nelson Mandela with us. His struggle was your struggle. His triumph was your triumph. Your dignity and your hope found expression in his life. And your freedom, your democracy is his cherished legacy.

It is hard to eulogize any man -- to capture in words not just the facts and the dates that make a life, but the essential truth of a person -- their private joys and sorrows; the quiet moments and unique qualities that illuminate someone’s soul. How much harder to do so for a giant of history, who moved a nation toward justice, and in the process moved billions around the world.

Born during World War I, far from the corridors of power, a boy raised herding cattle and tutored by the elders of his Thembu tribe, Madiba would emerge as the last great liberator of the 20th century. Like Gandhi, he would lead a resistance movement -- a movement that at its start had little prospect for success. Like Dr. King, he would give potent voice to the claims of the oppressed and the moral necessity of racial justice. He would endure a brutal imprisonment that began in the time of Kennedy and Khrushchev, and reached the final days of the Cold War. Emerging from prison, without the force of arms, he would -- like Abraham Lincoln -- hold his country together when it threatened to break apart. And like America’s Founding Fathers, he would erect a constitutional order to preserve freedom for future generations -- a commitment to democracy and rule of law ratified not only by his election, but by his willingness to step down from power after only one term.

Given the sweep of his life, the scope of his accomplishments, the adoration that he so rightly earned, it’s tempting I think to remember Nelson Mandela as an icon, smiling and serene, detached from the tawdry affairs of lesser men. But Madiba himself strongly resisted such a lifeless portrait. (Applause.) Instead, Madiba insisted on sharing with us his doubts and his fears; his miscalculations along with his victories. “I am not a saint,” he said, “unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.”

It was precisely because he could admit to imperfection -- because he could be so full of good humor, even mischief, despite the heavy burdens he carried -- that we loved him so. He was not a bust made of marble; he was a man of flesh and blood -- a son and a husband, a father and a friend. And that’s why we learned so much from him, and that’s why we can learn from him still. For nothing he achieved was inevitable. In the arc of his life, we see a man who earned his place in history through struggle and shrewdness, and persistence and faith. He tells us what is possible not just in the pages of history books, but in our own lives as well.

Mandela showed us the power of action; of taking risks on behalf of our ideals. Perhaps Madiba was right that he inherited, “a proud rebelliousness, a stubborn sense of fairness” from his father. And we know he shared with millions of black and colored South Africans the anger born of, “a thousand slights, a thousand indignities, a thousand unremembered moments…a desire to fight the system that imprisoned my people,” he said.

But like other early giants of the ANC -- the Sisulus and Tambos -- Madiba disciplined his anger and channeled his desire to fight into organization, and platforms, and strategies for action, so men and women could stand up for their God-given dignity. Moreover, he accepted the consequences of his actions, knowing that standing up to powerful interests and injustice carries a price. “I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I’ve cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and [with] equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.” (Applause.)

Mandela taught us the power of action, but he also taught us the power of ideas; the importance of reason and arguments; the need to study not only those who you agree with, but also those who you don’t agree with. He understood that ideas cannot be contained by prison walls, or extinguished by a sniper’s bullet. He turned his trial into an indictment of apartheid because of his eloquence and his passion, but also because of his training as an advocate. He used decades in prison to sharpen his arguments, but also to spread his thirst for knowledge to others in the movement. And he learned the language and the customs of his oppressor so that one day he might better convey to them how their own freedom depend upon his. (Applause.)

Mandela demonstrated that action and ideas are not enough. No matter how right, they must be chiseled into law and institutions. He was practical, testing his beliefs against the hard surface of circumstance and history. On core principles he was unyielding, which is why he could rebuff offers of unconditional release, reminding the Apartheid regime that “prisoners cannot enter into contracts.”

But as he showed in painstaking negotiations to transfer power and draft new laws, he was not afraid to compromise for the sake of a larger goal. And because he was not only a leader of a movement but a skillful politician, the Constitution that emerged was worthy of this multiracial democracy, true to his vision of laws that protect minority as well as majority rights, and the precious freedoms of every South African.

And finally, Mandela understood the ties that bind the human spirit. There is a word in South Africa -- Ubuntu -- (applause) -- a word that captures Mandela’s greatest gift: his recognition that we are all bound together in ways that are invisible to the eye; that there is a oneness to humanity; that we achieve ourselves by sharing ourselves with others, and caring for those around us.

We can never know how much of this sense was innate in him, or how much was shaped in a dark and solitary cell. But we remember the gestures, large and small -- introducing his jailers as honored guests at his inauguration; taking a pitch in a Springbok uniform; turning his family’s heartbreak into a call to confront HIV/AIDS -- that revealed the depth of his empathy and his understanding. He not only embodied Ubuntu, he taught millions to find that truth within themselves.

It took a man like Madiba to free not just the prisoner, but the jailer as well -- (applause) -- to show that you must trust others so that they may trust you; to teach that reconciliation is not a matter of ignoring a cruel past, but a means of confronting it with inclusion and generosity and truth. He changed laws, but he also changed hearts.

For the people of South Africa, for those he inspired around the globe, Madiba’s passing is rightly a time of mourning, and a time to celebrate a heroic life. But I believe it should also prompt in each of us a time for self-reflection. With honesty, regardless of our station or our circumstance, we must ask: How well have I applied his lessons in my own life? It’s a question I ask myself, as a man and as a President.

We know that, like South Africa, the United States had to overcome centuries of racial subjugation. As was true here, it took sacrifice -- the sacrifice of countless people, known and unknown, to see the dawn of a new day. Michelle and I are beneficiaries of that struggle. (Applause.) But in America, and in South Africa, and in countries all around the globe, we cannot allow our progress to cloud the fact that our work is not yet done.

The struggles that follow the victory of formal equality or universal franchise may not be as filled with drama and moral clarity as those that came before, but they are no less important. For around the world today, we still see children suffering from hunger and disease. We still see run-down schools. We still see young people without prospects for the future. Around the world today, men and women are still imprisoned for their political beliefs, and are still persecuted for what they look like, and how they worship, and who they love. That is happening today. (Applause.)

And so we, too, must act on behalf of justice. We, too, must act on behalf of peace. There are too many people who happily embrace Madiba’s legacy of racial reconciliation, but passionately resist even modest reforms that would challenge chronic poverty and growing inequality. There are too many leaders who claim solidarity with Madiba’s struggle for freedom, but do not tolerate dissent from their own people. (Applause.) And there are too many of us on the sidelines, comfortable in complacency or cynicism when our voices must be heard.

The questions we face today -- how to promote equality and justice; how to uphold freedom and human rights; how to end conflict and sectarian war -- these things do not have easy answers. But there were no easy answers in front of that child born in World War I. Nelson Mandela reminds us that it always seems impossible until it is done. South Africa shows that is true. South Africa shows we can change, that we can choose a world defined not by our differences, but by our common hopes. We can choose a world defined not by conflict, but by peace and justice and opportunity.

We will never see the likes of Nelson Mandela again. But let me say to the young people of Africa and the young people around the world -- you, too, can make his life’s work your own. Over 30 years ago, while still a student, I learned of Nelson Mandela and the struggles taking place in this beautiful land, and it stirred something in me. It woke me up to my responsibilities to others and to myself, and it set me on an improbable journey that finds me here today. And while I will always fall short of Madiba’s example, he makes me want to be a better man. (Applause.) He speaks to what’s best inside us.

After this great liberator is laid to rest, and when we have returned to our cities and villages and rejoined our daily routines, let us search for his strength. Let us search for his largeness of spirit somewhere inside of ourselves. And when the night grows dark, when injustice weighs heavy on our hearts, when our best-laid plans seem beyond our reach, let us think of Madiba and the words that brought him comfort within the four walls of his cell: “It matters not how strait the gate, how charged with punishments the scroll, I am the master of my fate: I am the captain of my soul.”

What a magnificent soul it was. We will miss him deeply. May God bless the memory of Nelson Mandela. May God bless the people of South Africa. (Applause.)

END
1:50 P.M. SAST
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Nelson Madiba Mandela's Life and Time

BBC News - 8 June 2013 Last updated at 14:23 ET

Nelson Mandela is one of the world's most revered statesmen, who led the struggle to replace the apartheid regime of South Africa with a multi-racial democracy.

The world's most revered statesmen Nelson Madiba Mandela
Jailed for 27 years, he emerged in 1990 to become the country's first black president four years later and to play a leading role in the drive for peace in other spheres of conflict. He won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993.

His charisma, self-deprecating sense of humour and lack of bitterness over his harsh treatment, as well as his amazing life story, partly explain his extraordinary global appeal.

"In prison, you come face to face with time. There is nothing more terrifying” Nelson Mandela

Since stepping down as president in 1999, Mr Mandela has become South Africa's highest-profile ambassador, campaigning against HIV/Aids and helping to secure his country's right to host the 2010 football World Cup.

Mr Mandela - who has had a series of health problems in recent years - was also involved in peace negotiations in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi and other countries in Africa and elsewhere.

In 2004, at the age of 85, Mr Mandela retired from public life to spend more time with his family and friends and engage in "quiet reflection".

"Don't call me, I'll call you," he warned anyone thinking of inviting him to future engagements.

The former president has made few public appearances since largely retiring from public life.

In November 2010, his office released photos of a meeting he had held with members of the US and South African football teams.

He has been treated in hospital several times in the past two years.

Nelson Mandela leaves court in 1958 during his first treason trial

In late January 2011 he was admitted to a Johannesburg hospital for "specialised tests" with the South African presidency reminding a concerned nation that Mr Mandela has had "previous respiratory infections".

While in jail on Robben Island in the 1980s, the former president contracted tuberculosis.

In early 2012 he was treated for what the president's office said was "a long-standing abdominal complaint".

But in recent months he has been troubled repeatedly by a lung infection.

Raised by royalty
He was born in 1918 into the Xhosa-speaking Thembu people in a small village in the eastern Cape of South Africa. In South Africa, he is often called by his clan name - "Madiba".

Born Rolihlahla Dalibhunga, he was given his English name, Nelson, by a teacher at his school.

Mandela's key dates
1918 - Born in the Eastern Cape
1944 - Joined African National Congress
1956 - Charged with high treason, but charges dropped
1962 - Arrested, convicted of sabotage, sentenced to five years in prison
1964 - Charged again, sentenced to life
1990 - Freed from prison
1993 - Wins Nobel Peace Prize
1994 - Elected president
1999 - Steps down as leader
2001 - Diagnosed with prostate cancer
2004 - Retires from public life
2005 - Announces his son has died of an HIV/Aids-related illness
2010 - Appears at football World Cup
BBC History: Mandela's defiant freedom speech
His father, a counsellor to the Thembu royal family, died when Nelson Mandela was nine, and he was placed in the care of the acting regent of the Thembu people, chief Jongintaba Dalindyebo.

In 1941, aged 23, he ran away from an arranged marriage and went to Johannesburg.

Two years later, he enrolled for a law degree at the mainly white Witswaterand University, where he met people from all races and backgrounds. He was exposed to liberal, radical and Africanist thought, as well as racism and discrimination, which fuelled his passion for politics.

The same year, he joined the African National Congress (ANC) and later co-founded the ANC Youth League.

He married his first wife, Evelyn Mase, in 1944. They were divorced in 1958 after having four children.

Mr Mandela qualified as a lawyer and in 1952 opened a law practice in Johannesburg with his partner, Oliver Tambo.

Together, Mr Mandela and Mr Tambo campaigned against apartheid, the system devised by the all-white National Party which oppressed the black majority.

In 1956, Mr Mandela was charged with high treason, along with 155 other activists, but the charges against him were dropped after a four-year trial.

Resistance to apartheid grew, mainly against the new Pass Laws, which dictated where black people were allowed to live and work.

Continue reading the main story
“Only free men can negotiate. Prisoners cannot enter into contracts”,Nelson Mandela

In 1958, Mr Mandela married Winnie Madikizela, who was later to take an active role in the campaign to free her husband from prison.

The ANC was outlawed in 1960 and Mr Mandela went underground.

Tension with the apartheid regime grew, and soared to new heights in 1960 when 69 black people were shot dead by police in the Sharpeville massacre.

Life sentence
This marked the end of peaceful resistance and Mr Mandela, already national vice-president of the ANC, launched a campaign of economic sabotage.

He was eventually arrested and charged with sabotage and attempting to violently overthrow the government.


Speaking from the dock in the Rivonia court room, Mr Mandela used the stand to convey his beliefs about democracy, freedom and equality.

"I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony and with equal opportunities," he said.

"It is an ideal for which I hope to live for and to see realised. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die."

In the winter of 1964 he was sentenced to life in prison.

In the space of 12 months between 1968 and 1969, Mr Mandela's mother died and his eldest son was killed in a car crash but he was not allowed to attend the funerals.

Man holding newspaper on the day Nelson Mandela was set free

He remained in prison on Robben Island for 18 years before being transferred to Pollsmoor Prison on the mainland in 1982.

As Mr Mandela and other ANC leaders languished in prison or lived in exile, the youths of South Africa's black townships did their best to fight white minority rule.

Hundreds were killed and thousands were injured before the schoolchildren's uprising was crushed.

In 1980, the ANC led by the exiled Mr Tambo, launched an international campaign against apartheid but ingeniously decided to focus it on one cause and one person - the demand to release Mr Mandela.

This culminated in the 1988 concert at Wembley stadium in London when some 72,000 people - and millions more watching on TV around the world - sang "Free Nelson Mandela".

Popular pressure led world leaders to tighten the sanctions first imposed on South Africa in 1967 against the apartheid regime.

The pressure produced results, and in 1990, President FW de Klerk lifted the ban on the ANC. Mr Mandela was released from prison and talks on forming a new multi-racial democracy for South Africa began.

Slum townships
In 1992 Mr Mandela separated from his wife, Winnie, on the grounds of her adultery. She had also been convicted on charges of kidnapping and accessory to assault.

In December 1993, Mr Mandela and Mr de Klerk were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.

Five months later, for the first time in South Africa's history, all races voted in democratic elections and Mr Mandela was overwhelmingly elected president.

Mr Mandela's greatest problem as president was the housing shortage for the poor, and slum townships continued to blight major cities.

Nelson Mandela with his new wife, Graca Machel, next to his birthday cake, at a reception held at Gallagher Estate outside Johannesburg Sunday, 19 July 1998

He entrusted his deputy, Thabo Mbeki, with the day-to-day business of the government, while he concentrated on the ceremonial duties of a leader, building a new international image of South Africa.

In that context, he succeeded in persuading the country's multinational corporations to remain and invest in South Africa.

On his 80th birthday, Nelson Mandela married Graca Machel, the widow of the former president of Mozambique.

He continued travelling the world, meeting leaders, attending conferences and collecting awards after stepping down as president.

After his official retirement, his public appearances were mostly connected with the work of the Mandela Foundation, a charitable fund that he founded.

On his 89th birthday, he formed The Elders, a group of leading world figures, to offer their expertise and guidance "to tackle some of the world's toughest problems".

Possibly his most noteworthy intervention of recent years came early in 2005, following the death of his surviving son, Makgatho.

At a time when taboos still surrounded the Aids epidemic, Mr Mandela announced that his son had died of Aids, and urged South Africans to talk about Aids " to make it appear like a normal illness".

He also played a key role in the decision to let South Africa host the 2010 football World Cup and appeared at the closing ceremony.

The first South African banknotes featuring his face went into circulation in November 2012.
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Vietnamese Activists Stopped from Holding Rights Rallies

Tra Mi
December 09, 2013 - VOA News



Dissidents in Vietnam say authorities have stopped them from holding gatherings to mark International Human Rights Day.

In interviews with VOA's Vietnamese service, online activists say officials dispersed crowds in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City on Sunday.

Activist Trang Loan said her group was treated roughly by police.

"They had members of Communist Youth Union yelling at us through loudspeakers ‘Assembling is not allowed,’ and asking us to leave the site. I was slapped in the face by a police officer in plain clothes. They beat me and the other participants, which showed they were frightened by our peaceful activities for human rights," said Loan.

But Phuong Dung says activists like her will not be intimidated.

“When organizing and participating in these activities we know beforehand that we are going to face with such harassment and repression from the government. However, we want to show to everybody that these advocacy acts are normal. We want our country to develop and we want our people to understand their basic rights. We will definitely continue such activities and keep going with what are beneficial to our society . We will not give up," said Dung.

The bloggers say they were only trying to discuss human rights, and hand out copies of The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the U.N .Convention Against Torture and balloons with rights advocacy logos.

Vietnamese officials have not commented on the gatherings.

U.N. International Human Rights Day is Tuesday.
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