Cambodia Election - Feeling Cheated

The Economist - Jul 29th 2013, 10:55 by L.H. | PHNOM PENH

Voters Protest on Election Day July 28,2013

NOT long after the prime minister, Hun Sen, cast his vote at a teacher’s college on July 28th, the first signs of trouble emerged. Allegations that the electoral roll had been rigged were coming in from across Cambodia and a riot was about to erupt on the outskirts of the capital, Phnom Penh. The counting made it plain that Hun Sen and his Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) had won, and by a generous margin. But the opposition made substantial gains—as well as claims that the CPP had cheated.

It was a dramatic conclusion to a dramatic home stretch. On July 12th the government had issued a pardon to Sam Rainsy, an opposition leader who had exiled himself from Cambodia since 2009, while criminal charges were prepared against him. He made his homecoming on July 19th, when he was met by a jubilant crowd. They may have hoped that Mr Sam Rainsy’s presence could bring their party an outright victory in the polls, but he seemed to have known better. Even then, with a week to go before the election, he was threatening to have the results condemned if the rules weren’t changed.

When July 28th came round, some voters were angered to discover that their names were not on the rolls, or that other people had already voted under their names. Other rumours flew furiously: for instance that the CPP was shipping in Vietnamese from across the border to cast ballots.

“Khmer can’t vote—yuon can,” went up the cry on social-media sites and among many who were protesting against the CPP. Yuon means Vietnamese people in Khmer, the main language of Cambodia. Many regard it as a highly derogatory term. Two police vehicles were overturned and set alight. By nightfall troops were deployed, roads blocked and Phnom Penh’s lively rumour mill had gone into overdrive. It all made a tense atmosphere tenser.

By the end of preliminary counting, the CPP acknowledged that the Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) led by Mr Sam Rainsy had picked up 55 seats, an impressive improvement on the 29 seats it had already held in the 123-seat parliament. The CPP won 68 seats for itself, down from 90, and so lost the two-thirds majority which had enabled it to rewrite the constitution. Minor parties, including the once-formidable royalist Funcinpec party, were obliterated.

Mr Sam Rainsy stayed true to form. Throughout the campaign he stoked popular anti-Vietnamese sentiment, and with it a familiar fear of hegemony on the part of Cambodia’s big neighbour to the east. Mr Sam Rainsy’s critics in Cambodia say his rhetoric verged on being xenophobic. The Vietnamese embassy issued a rare statement that accused him of using racially charged rhetoric to score political points.

That is even more a shame for the fact that he probably didn’t need it. This election was decided on more practical issues. The opposition’s greatest advantage was the anger that has been mounting against the massive land concessions that are granted to Chinese and Vietnamese companies; a widening wealth disparity; and gross corruption that favours the politically connected.

These issues were made more potent by the emergence of a powerful youth vote. Demographic change has altered the political landscape; those born as Cambodia’s civil wars were ending two decades ago are just now coming of age. Being too young to remember the 1980s and ’90s themselves, they tend to be unmoved by Mr Hun Sen’s main argument: that an opposition victory could spell a return to civil conflict.

Armed with smartphones and social media, the youth went to the barricades for the CNRP. This made for an especially lively campaign, and in turn diminished the relevance of the government-friendly media. Its propaganda machine, in the end, was capable of little more than preaching to the choir.

The opposition has rejected the results formally and demanded that an independent committee be set up to investigate the irregularities and their impact on the poll. One day after the polls closed, independent election monitors said it was too early in the counting process to determine whether the vote was free and fair. The Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (Comfrel) noted some worrying irregularities, including the use of ink that was supposed to be indelible—to prevent people from voting more than once—but in fact washed off easily. Comfrel also noted the disappearance of some names from the voter lists prepared by the National Election Committee, and the fact that strangers were spotted loitering about some polling booths.

Mr Sam Rainsy told a hastily arranged press conference that the opposition was not trying to bargain its way into government. “What we are interested in,” he said, “is to render justice to the Cambodian people.”

Meanwhile Mr Hun Sen, who over 28 years has established himself as the longest-serving elected leader in South-East Asia, was staying tight-lipped. He has been handed a stark choice: Reform the CPP, or dig in his heels. Any real reform would have to include laying down a clear path for succession. If he insists on maintaining the status quo then civil unrest is almost certain, whatever may be said about future elections.

(Picture credit: AFP)